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North Korea illustrates both the potential and the limits of deterrence in dealing with rogue states. It clearly has shown a willingness to flout international norms and agreements, as underscored by its recent admission of a secret nuclear weapons program. But that program probably reflects an effort either to extort money from the outside world or to deter attack. It does not appear to be designed to help North Korea undertake aggression, as further suggested by the fact that North Korea may have had one or two nuclear weapons for a decade without going on the offensive. Indeed, on the whole, its external behavior has improved substantially in recent years. Its support for terrorism is virtually non-existent, according to U.S. government sources; its missile testing moratorium continues, and its arms exports have declined substantially; it is coming clean on its history of kidnapping Japanese citizens decades ago. It is also engaging with South Korea, Japan, the United States, and the outside world in general, albeit fitfully and slowly. Certainly it is not attacking the United States or its allies. North Korea also signifies that, at least to date, Bush does not reach for the preventive option indiscriminately.


Russia and China represent distinct challenges to U.S. national security. Russia is not a peer or near-peer competitor but rather a well-armed rogue state that seeks to subvert an international order it can never hope to dominate. In contrast, China is a peer competitor that wants to shape an international order that it can aspire to dominate. Both countries seek to alter the status quo, but only Russia has attacked neighboring states, annexed conquered territory, and supported insurgent forces seeking to detach yet more territory. Russia assassinates its opponents at home and abroad, interferes in foreign elections, subverts foreign democracies, and works to undermine European and Atlantic institutions. In contrast, China's growing influence is based largely on more-positive measures: trade, investment, and development assistance. These attributes make China a less immediate threat but a much greater long-term challenge.


  • Remarks by the Vice President to the Heritage FoundationThe Ronald Reagan BuildingWashington, D.C. Audio12:03 P.M. EDT THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you all very much. Thank you,Ed. I'll tell the President what he missed. (Laughter.) I'm herethis morning -- obviously, the President planned to be here today, andthen you know that he's headed for the Pacific right now to get onboard the USS Lincoln, where he'll address the nation tonight from thecarrier. She's steaming back, has been deployed for almost 10 monthsin the Gulf, played a major role in the war in Iraq and is our firstcarrier returning home. And he thought it was appropriate to get outthere and thank the troops, but to do it in front of the Americanpeople. Of course, the interesting part of it is, he's going to fly ontothe carrier and do a trap -- that is, they'll catch him with cablearresting gear. No President has ever done that before. (Laughter.)And I'm not sure he told Laura what he's going to do, either.(Laughter.) Anyway, he was really looking forward to it. He's promised Ed arain-check. But I'm here this morning as a pinch-hitter for him and onbehalf of the Heritage Foundation. (Applause.) You know, Heritage for 30 years has made a lasting contribution tothe nation and to the important public policy debates and discussionsof our time, from the economy to social policy to national defense.You've always understood that government does not create wealth, itdoes not create jobs, but the right policies in Washington can createthe conditions for growth and new jobs. Free trade, lower taxes,spending discipline here in Washington, D.C. have always served Americawell. And President Bush is determined to ensure that they keepserving us well in the years ahead. Heritage has always reminded us as well of our founding principlesand our bedrock values as a nation: our belief in limited government,in democracy, in pluralism and the rule of law. These are the fixedstars by which the American ship of state navigates. They underpin ourearliest achievements and they will help us to attain our futuresuccesses. But along with an unshakable commitment to our nation's foundingprinciples, Heritage has always recognized the need to adapt strategiesto our changing times. During the Cold War, Heritage was a staunchsupporter of two of the policies that helped save the free world fromthe spread of communism: the doctrines of containment and deterrence. Yet, in a post-September 11th world, Heritage was among the firstto recognize that we cannot to continue to rely upon these old, ColdWar doctrines in the future. How do you contain rogue states willingto provide terrorists with weapons of mass destruction? How do youdeter terrorists who have no nation to defend and who are willing tosacrifice their own lives in order to kill Americans? These problems will define the new era in American foreign policy.They are problems that the American government has never before faced,and they require new thinking, courageous leadership and bold action. Fortunately, in this period of challenge, the United States has aleader in President Bush, who has the patience and the resolve and themoral clarity necessary to wage the war on terror and to win it.(Applause.) The President has made clear from the very beginning that this willbe a long and a focused effort, not only because the terrorists operatein the shadows, but because they also enjoy the backing and support ofoutlaw states. It is this alliance between terrorist networks seekingweapons of mass destruction and rogue states developing or alreadypossessing these weapons that constitutes the gravest threat toAmerica's national security. Therefore, a vital element of our strategy against terror is tobreak the alliances between terrorist organizations and terroriststates. In the case of Iraq, President Bush made it absolutely clearthat the United States would not tolerate a growing danger from thisdictator and his brutal regime. Today, Saddam Hussein's regime ishistory. (Applause.) And there is no doubt in anyone's mind that the President of theUnited States keeps his word. (Applause.) As virtually everyone agrees today, Iraqi Freedom has been one ofthe most extraordinary military campaigns ever conducted. It followeda carefully drawn plan, with fixed objectives and the flexibility tomeet them. Secretary Rumsfeld, General Franks, General Myers, GeneralPace and those who report to them have served their nation exceedinglywell. (Applause.) As a former Secretary of Defense, I've never been more proud of themen and women who wear the uniform of the United States military.(Applause.) By their skill, by their courage, they've made our nationand the world more secure. Having been involved in planning and waging the Persian Gulf War in1991, I can say with some authority that this campaign has displayedvastly improved capabilities that we did not have a dozen years ago. In Desert Storm, only 20 percent of our air-to-ground fighterscould guide a laser-guided bomb to the target. In Operation IraqiFreedom, all of our air-to-ground fighters were capable of employinglaser-guided bombs. As a result, with only two-thirds of the attackaircraft deployed in Desert Storm, we could strike twice as manytargets. Our ground forces have also improved their combat power. In DesertStorm, the Marines had the M-60 tank. In Operation Iraqi Freedom, theyhad the Abrams M1, equipped with a thermal sight, 120 millimeter gun,which increased their range by 50 percent, enabled them to engage theenemy before they could even fire a single round. In Desert Storm, our Bradley armored vehicle crews had to estimatethe range of their targets, and often missed on their first round. InOperation Iraqi Freedom, thanks to improved laser range finders, theBradley crews could hit their targets with their very first round offire. We've also improved our ability to locate enemy targets. In DesertStorm, our forces had only one type on Unmanned Aerial Vehicle. InOperation Iraqi Freedom, we had 10 different types of UAVs, rangingfrom tactical systems that would allow our soldiers to look over thenext hill to strategic systems that operated at 65,000 feet and couldprovide images the size of the state of Illinois. And we've dramatically improved our ability to make use oftargeting photos. In Desert Storm, it often took two days for targetplanners to identify a target, to locate its coordinates, to deliverthem to the bomber crew to plan the strike and deliver weapons ontarget. This time in Iraq, we had near real-time imaging of targetswith photos and coordinates transmitted by e-mail to bombers already inflight. Our command and control systems have also become more flexible andeffective. In Desert Storm, the Air Tasking Order, which specifieswhich units will take part in combined air operations and the targetsthat each of them will strike, was more than 800 pages long andrequired five hours to download and print and had to be flown daily toour aircraft carriers. In Iraq, the air tasking order was immediately available to allparticipating air commands -- Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines --on the military Internet. In Desert Storm, only the air component commander had a nearreal-time picture of the air campaign provided by our airborne warningand control aircraft. In Operation Iraqi Freedom, all of our componentcommanders shared a real-time computer display of our air, land and seaforces, tailored to their specific needs. On the ground, battalion brigade and division commanders in DesertStorm had to rely on maps, grease pencils and radio reports to trackthe movements of forces. This time, in Iraqi Freedom, these samecommanders had a real-time computer display of all of our forces. These advances in command and control allowed us to integrate jointoperations much more effectively than ever before, thereby enablingcommanders to make decisions more rapidly, to target strikes moreprecisely, to minimize human casualties, civilian casualties, and toaccomplish the missions more successfully. General Richard Myers, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, has said thatall of these changes amount to a new American way of war. Andcertainly the way we conducted Operation Iraqi Freedom differedsignificantly from our performance in Desert Storm. The 1991 war beganwith a 38 day air campaign followed by a brief ground attack. Thistime around, in Iraqi Freedom, the ground war began before the airwar. In 1991, Saddam Hussein had time to set Kuwait's oil fieldsablaze. In the current conflict, our Special Operations forces weresent in early to protect 600 oil wells in southern Iraq, to preventenvironmental catastrophe and to safeguard a vital resource for thepeople of Iraq. During Operation Desert Storm, Saddam managed to fire scud missilesat Israel and Saudi Arabia. This time was different. Again, thanks toour use of Special Operations forces, they seized control of themissile launch baskets in western Iraq and prevented their use by theenemy. Our Special Ops forces, joined by those of our British, Australianand Polish allies,played a much more central role in the success ofOperation Iraqi Freedom than they did 12 years ago. During Desert Storm we faced a massive flow of refugees in neededaid and shelter. In Operation Iraqi Freedom, we averted a large-scalehumanitarian crisis. U.S. and British Royal Marines succeeded intaking the Al Faw Peninsula and bringing food and water and medicalsupplies to liberated Iraqis even as the fighting continued. If you look at the overall effort, Saddam Hussein apparentlyexpected that this war would essentially be a replay of Desert Storm.Although he realized there were some 250,000 coalition forces stationedin the Gulf on the eve of the war, he seems to have assumed there wasample time to destroy the oil wells that he had already rigged toexplode, and to destroy the bridges and the dams that he wired. But the tactics employed by General Franks were bold, they made themost of every technological advantage our military possesses, and theysucceeded in taking the enemy by surprise. Indeed, with less than halfof the ground forces and two-thirds of the air assets used 12 years agoin Desert Storm, Secretary Rumsfeld and General Franks have achieved afar more difficult objective in less time and with fewer casualties.(Applause) Coming on the heels of our victory in Afghanistan, OperationIraqi Freedom is proof positive of the success of our efforts totransform our military to meet the challenges of the 21st century. With the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, the people of Iraq willbe able to choose new leaders who will respect their rights, reflecttheir character and represent their aspirations. The task ahead isdifficult, because Iraq is recovering not just from three weeks of war,but from three decades of brutal totalitarian rule. Yet, they aredetermined to succeed and we are determined to help them succeed. Every day, life in Iraq is improving as coalition troops secureunsafe areas, bring food and medical care to the needy and make sureIraq's drinking water is clean and dependable. And as Iraqis carry onthe hard work of building a prosperous and peaceful democratic nation,they can count on the friendship and on the support of the people ofthe United States. (Applause.) An Iraqi government that is of the people, by the people and forthe people will serve as a dramatic and an inspiring example to othernations in the Middle East. As the President has said, the power andappeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land. And thegreatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and toturn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace. The men and women of the Heritage Foundation have long recognizedthe power of freedom to transform human lives and to revitalize entiresocieties. You know that free societies value the arts of conciliationand compromise, and reject the ideologies of hatred and terror. Yourfaith in freedom's ultimate triumph was vindicated when the Berlin Wallwas toppled, when an evil empire vanished from the face of the earth. Today, freedom has a new set of totalitarian enemies. Once againwe're called on to defend the safety of our people and the hopes of allmankind. And once again, your faith in freedom's triumph will bevindicated. Thank you very much. (Applause.) END 12:15 P.M. EDT Printer-Friendly Version Email this page to a friend IssuesBudget Management

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